This is the second part of this proposal, for part one see here. It covers the buildup to the takeover by Hüttig, which is discussed here. The important part is that Hüttig does not start out as a Reichskommissar.
Also, this post comes with a light NSFW warning: considering the kind of regime Hüttig could make down to some details took a bit out of me. This is the first time something was actually a bit difficult for me to write. We continue.
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Adolf Street post office, Dar Es Salaam. All four constituent parts of German afrika are home to a city from which power spreads: for Zentralafrika it is Leopoldville, for Sudwest Afrika it is Windhuk, for Rhodesia it is Salisbury, and for Ostafrika it is Dar es Salaam. While the other central cities have seen some level of investment and development, Dar es Salaam has been chronically neglected by her masters, with new buildings being metal boxes meant to serve some administrative or security purpose.
At last we come to the big one: the nonsense action which starts the second round of Africa content, which makes the continent infinitely more interesting and fun to play as well as greatly simplifying/streamlining German gameplay, not to mention giving Japan an opportunity to exert influence in Africa. Hüttig must come to power. But Hüttig's coup as it is totally insane: why would a man so loyal and so unambitious as Hüttig commit treason just to form an unworkable state? For reasons I have discussed before I still think that Hüttig, or at least someone should critically destabilize Africa after the conclusion of the South African War for the sake of gameplay and narrative. As such a comedy of errors must be made in order to push Huttig into the position.
Over the course of the South Africa War the three Reichskommissars have only grown to hate each other more, and when the war ends all three will accuse each other of various crimes. Cooruption, negligence, obstruction of the war effort, violation of blood protection laws and willful flouting of the Colonial Office's commands, perhaps even up to treason. Many of these accusations are true, many are false, but the fact remains that even after the war is over German Afrika threatons to tear itself apart. In order to solve this issue Germania will order a congress in Dar es Salaam to begin soon after the wars end and call all the kommissars to it. But disaster (or justice) strikes, when Eicke is killed by a car bomb when he arrives at this conference. Suspecting foul play by his rivals and the other kommissars Hüttig shall spring into action to lock down the city and order that the high ranking men present be brought into “protective custody” by the SS. However this is seen by the security details of the kommissars as foul play by the SS, and they will resist this arrest. With neither side knowing how to deescalate and suspicions of treason running high, someone fires a shot, and after a quick but bloody battle both other kommissars are dead: Krogmann caught in the crossfire and Ruberg choosing suicide before capture.
Things are now in crisis: the RKs were exhausted by the war, and their leadership has been suddenly decapitated. Hüttig, always a man of action, declares that the Africa holdings will temporarily be under martial law, with himself as the highest local military authority exercising control. Thanks to the fact that men loyal to him took over the TV and radio station in Dar Es Salaam Hüttig's message and orders were quickly spread across Africa, resulting in a coup with minimum resistance to the takeover. However Germany sees things differently: getting the story from those who escaped the battle and under the influence of the colonial office and business interests Hüttig is portrayed as a mentally unhinged radical who killed the kommissars and seized power for himself illegally. Germany thus demands that Hüttig turn himself in and immediately reverse his actions. Hüttig however believes that this would spell the doom of German Africa: the situation is chaotic and if leadership were to be cut off now the RKs would surely fail. Hüttig begs Germania to reconsider their actions and professes his innocence, but all such efforts fail. And so Hüttig does the only thing he thinks he can: for the first time in his life he refuses a direct order. Germania declares him a traitor and his administration illegal. German Africa is now alone, cut off, and surrounded by enemies. In one year, it will all crumble.
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The Reichsadler has become ubiquitous in German afrika, being used to signify state or party property, German authority or simply to show off German dominance. However the Totenkopf (left) will surge in use after Hüttigs coup. More than the pride or glory of an eagle Hüttigs reign is signified by death: a promise of punishment to those who do not submit and of resolve to those who punish. In the end, only death will be this systems legacy.
Hüttig now has two missions: keep the natives under the German thumb and build a case to exonerate himself in Germany. Both of these missions are impossible. For the latter it is impossible because the car bomb was made by a native: the other kommissars had nothing to do with it. It was Huttig’s orders, however imperfectly followed, which got them both killed. It is Hüttig's sense of self-importance which now threatens Aryan rule more than anything else. Hüttig cannot exonerate himself because Hüttig is guilty, even though he refuses to acknowledge it and will purge anyone who does. All efforts put into investigating the other Kommissars will merely be fewer resources put towards suppressing the now rapidly rising resistance from both White, Black and Asian. So, let's see how Hüttig digs the grave of Germany in the dark continent by trying to save it.
Hüttig is in a difficult spot: the Fuhrer has declared him a traitor, he has no money, few guns, and even fewer true loyalists. The British are on the verge of open rebellion against him, while the natives are far beyond that. The administration is understaffed and overextended, all while every power in the world wants a piece of what they assume is his doomed empire. Everyone who can is trying to get out, and most who can't want to take his head: what is to be done? Hüttig has too few guns to kill, no money to bribe, no charisma to convince and no legitimacy to command. Only one tool remains to him: Fear.
It is a natural end for him: living a life in the concentration camp system, even at the top of it, has a way of brutalizing and warping a man. So, in the name of order and survival until germany returns to its senses a new system shall be put in place. Greed and selfish ambition have no place in this order: instead all shall act as cogs in the machine, selflessly fulfilling their allotted purpose on pain of a brutal and public death. At the top of this machine is Hans Hüttig: he shall work every hour of the day to maintain the system and to find a way back into Germany’s good graces. He shall do this because he fears the Fuhrer and his condemnation, and because he fears becoming a traitor and a failure in the end. Just below him are his armed SS lieutenants, commanding the remains of the German forces. They shall spend weeks and months in the field hunting down dissidents and reminding all that there are worse things than death. They shall do this because they fear Hüttig: that his favor will be suddenly withdrawn and they and all that are close to them will fall into powerlessness, and perhaps even be whipped to death by Hüttig himself.
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Hüttig himself may be committed to his new system, but those who enforce it for him are often less so. Men like Hellmuth Becker are able to rise to high positions as commanders, and then use that power to engorge themselves. Hüttig has heard the rumors of course of mass corruption, rape and drunkenness, but so long as these men remained afraid of him and terrifying to their subordinates, he would overlook such things. The number of men willing to work with him is too small to do anything else.
Below them are the white soldiers: they will follow orders to the letter and with desperate energy, fighting the traitor and the rebel with their bare hands if necessary. Indeed, though they are given weapons the chronic shortage of ammunition will make the enduring symbol of the terror the machete. They shall do this because they fear their officers. Holding full discretion over the life and death of their men, and enforcing “discipline” with draconian physical punishment or humiliation, the wrath of a high officer is the only thing the soldier fears more than the enemy waiting for them in the jungle. Below the German soldier is the native auxiliary and porter. They shall work the most dangerous or difficult jobs: being sent to clear out tunnels or marched into ambushes just to find where the enemy is. They will die in their thousands, but this is better than confronting their fear of the white soldiers: the abuse handed out by their superiors trickles down to abusing their lesser “allies”. It is not uncommon for a soldier to beat and harass for trivial reasons, and with even the lowest privat technically outranking the native, all orders must be obeyed on pain of punishment from every white soldier in earshot, as they gang up to make an example of someone. And yet the black soldier cannot run: the stigma of collaboration is stuck to them forever, and the German camp is their only home now.
Below the armed men are the civilians. Even free whites have the same basic duty to the state: to stay in their station and contribute their sweat to the machine. In the effort to keep everyone and everything in its place, Hüttig will first ensure that none can escape: how can the Aryan maintain himself in africa if his comrades seek to flee? No, this is the most critical hour of battle, and a rout will not be permitted. As such all means of transport which could be used to escape will be seized by the state, or failing that will be scuttled. Airplanes, helicopters, ships: anything which cannot be taken will be burned. Having thus placed the civilians backs to the wall one clear order shall be sent: hold the line. Hüttig shall essentially decree that time has stopped: resignations and retirements will not be accepted, nor may one change their job or location unless ordered to do so by their superiors. When Germany returns to africa, they shall find everything just as they left it, except with new, loyal men having taken over the top positions.
Another thing will need to change: wages are to be slashed, and commerce taken under the control of the state. Hüttig shall use his administrative experience to ensure that whites will not starve, but little else. Those at the top who protest this shall be deemed too soft or unreliable,and will be replaced with men handpicked by Hüttig himself. The less intelligent will refuse Hüttig and declare themselves loyal to the fuhrer, or freedom, or the people, and say that without fear they die but once. Hüttig shall respond: once is enough. Those with more foresight have three options: take the guns they still have and run into the jungle, resisting as the natives have been for years. Or they will accept their new stations and serve loyally, praying that it will not be so bad and will end soon. And finally, the easy way out. For fear of execution, for fear of starvation, for fear of Hüttig, the Aryan will work as they never have before: nothing else will suffice.
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As Hans places German afrika on what amounts to permanent mobilization, he will also seek to eliminate \"useless eaters\", putting even white women and children to work producing weapons and other supplies needed by his army. Only those who can prove to provide some already critical service will be permitted to keep their old jobs, such as Kai-Uwe von Hassel, who maintains his productive agricultural estates.
One further step below is the black civilian, the villager or newly disposed Évolués. The state has only one demand for them: do not resist. Stay in your villages or slums and provide the tax of coin or food that we demand. Do this, and you will only be shown the face of terror, rather than its full wrath. But as Africa has suddenly been cut off from global trade or German support, those taxes are set to rise quickly, and the method of collecting it barbarized. And here we get to the meat of the resistance and ultimate downfall of Hüttig's reign: the continent-wide war which his methods unleash. For all the resistance that the white settlers will put up, whether passive by the abused bureaucracy, covert by those with remaining contact with Germany, or open armed revolt by part of Rhodesian commandos and non-compliant German garrisons, none of it would survive or be half effective if not for the great upswell of rebellion which occurred after Hüttig's takeover. For despite the fear that Hüttig and his Deathsheads are able to inspire in the average African, the hatred and desperation they create is just as strong. And as the Germans are run to exhaustion and the picture of Hüttig's omnipotence begins to crack, that hatred will burst into a flame of rebellion which Hüttig cannot quench.
But not for lack of trying. Hüttig will attempt to expand his systemic terrorism beyond ostafrika and into the congo, sud-west africa and rhodesia, making a great show of executing “traitors” and sending out infernal columns into “bandit zones”. At first this new show of force and creation of fear shall appear to work: many heads are brought back and previously restive areas report a sharp decrease in ambushes. But it is merely a change in tactics: the next time news of a german patrol coming is heard, the civilians will not simply stay and accept: they will run. When the german marches into the unknown he will find only empty houses and boobytraps. And once the marching lines are expected, they will come under attack from the warlords and revolutionaries surrounding them. As low on ammo as the Germans may be, the natives remain even worse equipped: at times having nothing more than improvised firearms and spears. But the ratio of losses has been rendered irrelevant by Hüttig's fanaticism. Even if 100 africans were lost for every white soldier it would still not be enough, and whatever losses the native armies take can be regained by recruiting those who have fled the germans before. In order to hunt this resistance down large formations must be mustered in order to comb the brush: despite all the technological advantages for the Germans, the only way to reliably destroy a resistance cell is to outnumber it, surround it, and then smash it with brute force. This can only be done in local areas for limited time, and while it is being done there will not be enough men to protect other areas, allowing the native resistance there to sabotage or kill in revenge.
This back and forth between the top of the totem pole and the native resistance is what causes the devastation of africa. The resistance burns plantations, bombs roads and rails, wreaks villages which have aided the enemy or their own native rivals, and raid mines. In return the Germans burn villages and forests, take mass hostages, poison water sources and salt the earth. In a contested area this will happen multiple times, and leave an area utterly devastated: cities cut off from the countryside and villages isolated and overcrowded. The whites may flee to the coastal cities, but the others are not so lucky. The only reason this warfare does not mean the end of africa for generations is because it is mercifully short. And indeed, some isolated areas will scarcely know that anything has changed at all. But overall the economic and social potential of africa will be devastated by this short period.
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A less tangible aspect of this devastation is its effects on the children of Africa. As Hüttig seeks to fill out his ranks he shall resort to conscripting children into his SS units, and facing the pressure of total war many African factions have done the same. Such brutalized children will have a difficult time reintegrating back into a peaceful society or a regular job, further poisoning the well of Africa's future.
Why it is so short will be discussed soon, but first we must turn to the final and lowest tier of Hüttig's Africa: the slaves. The tightening control over black and white, armed and civilian alike has made everyone feel trapped, but even the most meager black village can take solace in the fact that they are not slaves. For white traitors or well-known resistance figures, elaborate and public execution is the order of the day. But for most this is considered a mercy compared to the standard punishment of the rest: enslavement in the mines and factories of the state. Petty thieves, those delinquent on their taxes, rebel soldiers, or those accused of providing succor for the enemy all receive the same sentence: labor until death. Those who can flee, risking the wild rather than the chain-gang, but for everyone else they become the backbone of African industry. Hüttig needs ammo, weapons, fuel, food and paper to power his machine, and all of those require human hands to create. They are found in the masses of slaves captured by the army/security service. Life in these places is one meant to be short, dehumanizing, and painful. Populated as it is by “criminals'', the purpose is to destroy men as much as it is to produce items. For further details one can look to the system of extermination camp labor employed by nazi germany in real life: just know that death by torture may be preferable.
Of course such a system is only able to hold itself together with the full backing of a higher power, and Germany has left Hüttig to burn. As such, though this system of hatred, terror and exploitation will no doubt scar the African consciousness for centuries it will not permanently cripple the body: in little more than one year Hüttig will die, the nations will break free, and the future will begin. This ultimate fate for the rogue state is because of the systemic flaws of and mass resistance in the state itself, but the reason for its quick death is because of the actions of Germany, Japan and America. When Hüttig was declared a traitor it was a clear signal to the world: Germany had lost its grip on the dark continent. That meant it was open season for anyone who wanted to influence the aftermath of what was surely a doomed regime: and that included all of them. Japan wanted to protect its western flank on the Indian ocean, America wished to ensure its dominance of the atlantic, and both were morally outraged by the German crimes on the continent. As such both America and Japan will go about contacting resistance fighters, arming and training them so they can keep up with the deaths heads. For America this typically means those groups which are not explicitly communist in nature, including tribe or kingdom leaders who have gone into revolt and rhodesian resistance. However the nature of africa means that often such groups do not exist, or are weak. As such America is a pragmatist, supporting anyone who will wield a gun against their rivals. Japan is much the same, but with a bias towards the pan-africans. Distrustful of Americans as a “white, western imperialist” nation and often passed up by American support for fear of domestic political consequences, the trend is that Japan is the only one left willing and able to help. Though neither side truly trusts the other, all are forced into this marriage of convenience. With the alternative being potential destruction for the africans and a superpower controlled continent for the Japanese, it is a marriage both are willing to make work. Germany meanwhile looks for their proxies not outside of the state but within it. Many of the administrators and officers of Huttig’s regime are still loyal to Germania, either out of ideological conviction or the memory of better working conditions. This is doubally important because of the vast distances involved in africa: radio is often the preferred method of giving and receiving orders. The only thing stopping administrative revolt is the web of mutual suspicion and paralyzing fear created by Hüttig. Through bribery, protection, assassination and calculated sabotage Germany can make it incredibly difficult for Hüttig to rule, and can protect some of their assets from his madness. For all three however these are only side games, done to strengthen their position, not to secure it. For the true goal a coup de grâce will be needed: the death of Hans Hüttig.
Whether it be by Germany's scheme of organizing a coup arresting Hüttig and dragging him back for his trial and hanging, the Japanese plan to infiltrate the capital city and have Hüttig shot, the American plan to poison him and have him slip out of the picture quietly, or one of the countless native plots to have their justice, Hüttig's long overdue death shall set in motion the wind of change across the continent. The Europeans will fall back to the few cities they still control, the various warlords and revolutionaries will claim everything else, and the second scramble for Africa shall begin as the superpowers attempt to shape the continent in their interests. Africa has at last woken up from its collective nightmare, but history marches on, and what Africa will look like ten years from now is anyone's game. Unstable states lacking in legitimacy, jealous foreign powers who see opportunity, the promise of new ideologies and hatreds old and new promise that mere freedom is not the end of Africa's story. The long night is over, but what shall the sun rise to see?
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To the strongest.

Made this music video while living in the truck in Colorado. WEAWA